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palmela · Wysłany: Pią 9:53, 28 Mar 2008 Temat postu: haiti

Haiti

Lokacja: Morze Karaibskie; dzieli Hispaniola z Dominika
Stolica: Port-Au-Prince
Population: 8,924,553
Ludnosc: 95 % czarnuchy i 5% nieszczesliwi biali ludzie
Glowny przemysl: placki z blota
Religia: Voodoo i katolizm

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Using crude wooden sailboats, fishermen bring in their catch in Luly. Luly fishermen are slated to be outfitted by Food for the Poor this summer with four 25-foot fiberglass boats with outboard motors, coolers, lifejackets, electric freezers and generators.
'We're very excited about getting the new equipment,' said Pierre Rene St. Cyr, a fisherman in Luly.
'It means we'll be able to go much farther out to sea and catch much bigger fish.'

palmela

Po tygodniu mobamby, wiwatow swiata oszalalego jest powod by mi sie humor poprawil.
Otoz:
Zawalila sie zawalona szkola. Ktos rozumie oprocz mnie?
No to powiem inaczej.
Zawalila sie szkola. Kiedys.
Przyszla komisja. Popatrzyli. Pokiwali lbami.
Wymamrotali, ze wyremontowac trzeba,
bo malpoludki nie beda mialy gdzie sie uczyc krasc, gwalcic, dokazywac i w przerwach miedzy wymienionymi zajeciami lekcyjnymi wachac jankem i dlubac w szerokich nosach.

Jak to jest ze ten dwunozny gatunek nie jest zdolny opracowac kodu budowalnego i wybudowac budynek strukturalnie bezpieczny? Wybudowali by chate z blota, a nie brali sie za dziela przerastajace ich mozliwosci malpujac bialego czlowieka.
No, ale dzieki temu 75 nigletow z haitanskiego ZOO nie bedzie mialo mozliwosci zajadac sie plackami z blota co wplynie negatywnie na ekonomie Haiti- pierwszej czarnej republiki.

Haiti to moj niezbity argument, to dowod rzeczowy, ze obecna cywilizacja nie ma nic wspolnego z chrzescijanstwem, a jedynie z obecnoscia bialego mezczyzny.
Nie istnieje i jak mi wiadomo nie istanialo nic takiego jak cywilizacja chrzescijanska.

p.s. Mam glosna nadzieje, ze 75 to nie koncowa liczba

palmela

O, to Haiti mialo i druga szkole

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Czerwony Krzyz powiedzial, ze szkola sie zawalila po sztucznie wywolanym trzesieniu szkoly, bo nieudomowiane malpiatki skakaly i tanczyly.

Na zdjeciu: budynek szkolny jako dowod niebywale oryginalnych osiagniec haitanskiej sztuki architektonicznej:

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palmela

Niewiele osob mysli poswieca Haiti.
Wielu wie, ze tam mieszkaja czarnuchy, ze jest tam jezyk francuski i ze analfabetow jest 65%.
Z tego co widza w telewizji wiedza, ze Haiti jest biedna i to okrutny kraj rzadzony przez roznych po sobie nastepujacych dyktatorow.
Moga sobie jeszcze kojarzyc Haiti z aidsem, glodem i srodowiskowa katastrofa.
Tak, to wszystko tam jest. W nadmiarze.
Do tego ONZ mowi ze 60% czarnuchow jest od 10 roku zycia aktywna seksualnie i ludnosc podwoji sie do 2030 roku.
Ja wiem, ze polnoc Haiti jest juz pustynia i tylko 200 lat wystarczylo Haitanczykom aby wyciac dziesiatki milionow drzew, aby wyrwac z ziemii wszystko co roslo, powodujac erozja zimi uprawnej.

Biednego, glodnego, schorowanego Haitanczyka marzeniem jest dostac sie tam gdzie mieszkaja biali.
Tak zawsze nie bylo.
Byl czas ze Haiti nazywano perla Zachodnich Indii. Trudno to sobie dzis wyobrazic ze San Dominque bylo nazwane Edenem zachodniego swiata. Na kilka lat przed wiekiem XIX bylo to najbogatsze miejscce na swiecie.
Aby patrzec na Haiti trzeba to zrobic siegajac 200 lat wspak do haitanskiej rewolucji.
A o tych czasach rzadko kto wspomina.
200 lat temu czarni powstali domagajac sie rasowej rownosci i konca bialych rzadow.
To czego czarni sie domagaja to czarni chca zawsze

Kolumb 'odkryl' wyspe “la Isla Espanola,” co potem ulego skroceniu na Hispaniola. Przez krotki czas zanim nie 'odkryto' Peru i Mexico Hispaniola byla centrum hiszpanskiej kolonizacji.
Choc byli Hiszpanie krotko, to czas ten jest bardzo wazny. Wyspe zamieszkiwali prymitywni Indianie Arawak,jako rezultat wczesniejszej zapomnianej integracji ras multi-kulti systemu.
Hiszpanie przeniesli wszystkich Arawak do krainy wiecznych lowow, wypuszczajac na wolnosc trzode i bydlo.
I 'zapomnieli' o zachodniej czesci wyspy.

Po 100 latch w 1600 pierwsi osadnicy oczom nie wierzyli, ze niezamieszkala czesc wyspy wypelniona jest bydlem i swiniami.
Kiedy Hiszpanie skonsolidowali sie na wschodzie Hispanioli, to Francuzi powoli wzieli pod kontrole zachodnia czesc i to co bylo gniazdem piaratow stalo sie agrykulturalnym centum francuskiego San Domingo.

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W czasach rewolucji 1789, francuskie San Domingo bylo najbardziej prosperujacym regionem z tysiacami plantatorskich domow.
Wartosc eksportu tej niewielkiej kolonii wyzsza byla anizeli Stanow.
Tylko ze na San Domingo byla niebezpieczna rasowa sytuacja: 40,000 Bialych i 500,000 czarnych (proporcje obecnej RPA)

Na San Domingo kobiet poczatkowo bylo jak na lekarstwo. Z tej przyczyny powstala osobna grupa 27 tysiecy mulatow ktorzy odegraja wazna role pozniejejszych latach San Domingo.

Zaklasyfikowani jako ‘kolorowi wolni' odsegregowani od Bialych, mulaci mogli posiadac ziemie, byznes I niewolnikow. Nie wolno mulatom bylo glosowac, ani piastowac urzedow.
Gorycz niezadowolenia Mulatow z nizszej anizeli Biali pozycji spolecznej znalazla wspolczujace ucho we Francji .
Po obaleniu Ludwika XVI Biali na San Domingo spodziewali sie, ze otrzymaja wiecej wladzy kierujac kolonia.
Ich nadzieja jednak obrocila sie w panike, kiedy dowiedzieli sie jakie rewolucyjnie rasowe plany ma nowy rezim, tak ze zaczeli sie zastanawiac na nad znaczeniem sloganu ‘Liberte Egalite Fraternite’.
In 1788 pamfleciarz Jacques Brissot uformowal ‘Amis des Noirs’(przyjaciele czarnuchow. Lafayette, Condorcet, Mirabeau, Robbespierre stali sie kochankami “Przyjacielami czarnuchow” i od samego poczatku pchano program pelnych praw obywatelskich dla mulatow.
To byl rok 1792. Mulaci majac za soba poparcie Francuzow sie rozzuchwalili, a Biali strapieni na wiesc, ze Jakobini wysylaja komisje z 6000 zolnierzy na San Domingo, by wprowadzic pelne prawa dla mulatow.
Jak sie dowiedzieli czarnoskore szerokonose dwunogi, ze mulaci maja otrzymac wszystkie prawa to I oni zaczeli rewolte w nadzieji, ze otrzymaja wolnosc.

W ten oto sposob Biali na San Domingo byli zagrozeni przez niewolnikow, przez mulatow i przez ich wlasny rzad. W takiej sytuacji moglaby sie stac jedna z trzech rzeczy: Biali wytluka cala mulacka kaste. Mulaci wytluka bialych. Szerokonosi unieszkodliwia i bialych i mulatow.
Komisja z Francji przyjechala z obstawa i zmusiala bialych do rozpoznania pelnego obywatelstwa mulatow.
Rezultatem byl chaos, wojna rasowa i porazka Bialych. W roku 1793 wiekszosc Bialych, byla albo zamordowana, albo uciekla do Francji czy do USA.
Mulaci, po porazce Bialych mieli zamiar zarzadzac San Domingo i eksploatowac prace niewolnikow, ale z poparciem francuskiego rzadu szerokonose czarne ryje powstaly przeciwko mulatom.
Mulatow spotkal taki sam los jak bialych.

W roku 1801, byly niewolnik general Toussaint L’Ouverture (dalej Uwertura) posiadajacy najwyzsza dozgonna wladze, prosil Bialych o powrot zapewniajac, ze bedzie ich dobrze traktowac. Kilka tysiecy wrocilo. Uwertura oddal im na powrot ich plantacje, a czarnym rozkazal pracowac dla Bialych i dla rzadu.
Kuzyn Uwertury, czarny general Moyse, wzniecil rewolte przeciwko pro-Bialej polityce.
Uwertura stlumil powstanie i kuzyna stracono.
Na wiesc co sie dzieje na San Domingo Napoleon wyslal 12,000 zolnierzy pod przywdztwem Charles Leclerc, aby aresztowac Uwerture i wprowadzic z powrotem francuskie rzady. Uwertura poddal sie na wiosne 1802, a wielu zolnierzy przeszlo na francuska srone
Co mialo byc francuskim sukcesem na San Domingo okazalo sie klapa.
Latem zolta febra zdziesiatkowala cywilow I zolnierzy Blonapartego. Leclerc umarl na zolta fibre w poznych miesiacach 1802.
W maju 1803 wybychla kolejna wojna Francji z Brytania. Brytyjczycy zablokowali wyspe udzielajac poparcia czarnuchom i mulatom.
Zaczela sie otwarta wojna rasowa przeciwko Francji.
Napoleon przywrocil niewolnictwo czarnych w kolonii i ograniczyl prawa mulatow. Tym zjednoczyl czarnych i mulatow przwciwko Francuzom.
W listopadzie 1803 pokonani Francuzi odplyneli.
Zostawili San Domingo w rekach jednego z generalow L’Ouverture : Jean-Jacques Dessalines (1758-1806), ktory ukoronowal siebie jako Jacques I.
Chcac zerwac wszystkie wiezy z Francja pierwszym symbolicznym krokiem jaki zrobil to zmienil nazwe z San Domingo na Haiti.
Zagwarantowal bezpieczenstwo pozostalym bialym I nawet zachecal, aby wiecje ich pyrzybylo. Tylko ze to byla pulapka.
W pierwszych miesiacach 1805 Dessalines rozkazal wszystkivch Bialych eksterminowac. Ludobojstwo zaczelo sie w Port-au-Prince w styczniu 1805, I skonczylo sie w polowie marca. Zamordowano wszystkich bialych wlacznie z kobietami i z kazdym dzieckiem, za wyjatkiem lekarzy i...... ksiezy katolickich.

Ta finalowa rzezia bialych francuskie zielone, czyste, prosperujace cywilizowane San Domingo zniknelo i czarny narod Haiti powstal, planujac ze haitanskie bogactwo bedzie calkowicie dla nich.
W kilka lat haitanska cywilizacja spadla z europejskiego poziomu do afrykanskiego i tkwi tam pod dzis dzien.
USA weszlo aby odbudowac infrastructure i zreorganizowac polityczny system na poczatku XX wieku. Skoro tylko opuscili Haiti w 1934 roku czarnuchy wrocili do tzw typowego zachowania czarnuchow
Haiti jest jednym z lepszych przykladow entropii i moj doskonaly, bo nie do obalenia argument, ze nie istnieje nic takiego jak 'cywilizacja chrzescijanska'.

palmela

Well, I stand up next to a mountain
And I chop it down with the edge of my hand
Yeah
Well, I stand up next to a mountain
And I chop it down with the edge of my hand
Well, I pick up all the pieces and make an island
Might even raise a little sand
Yeah
cause Im a voodoo child
Lord knows Im a voodoo child baby
I want to say one more last thing
I didnt mean to take up all your sweet time
Ill give it right back to ya one of these days
Hahaha
I said I didnt mean to take up all your sweet time
Ill give it right back one of these days
Oh yeah
If I dont meet you no more in this world then uh
Ill meet ya on the next one
And dont be late
Dont be late
cause Im a voodoo child voodoo child
Lord knows Im a voodoo child
Hey hey hey
Im a voodoo child baby
I dont take no for an answer
Question no
Yeah

Mieszkanka Nowego Jorku, Marie Lauradin, została oskarżona o próbę spalenia własnej 6-letniej córki podczas odprawiania rytuału voodoo - informuje Fox News.
Podczas haitańskich praktyk zwanych Loa, kobieta wokół córki wylała łatwopalną substancję i zmusiła ją do stania nago w kręgu ognia. Na nic zdały się wołania i prośby dziewczynki o pomoc - podaje Fox News.

- Po rytuale, jak relacjonuje prokurator Richard Brown, Lauradin i babcia 6-latki umyły ją i położyły do łóżka nie zważając na zagrażająca życie poparzenia. Sięgnęły one 25 % powierzchni ciała dziewczynki.

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African America and Haiti
Emigration and Black Nationalism in the Nineteenth Century

While much has been written about the antebellum African American interest in emigration to Africa, the equally significant interest in Haitian emigration has been largely overlooked.
Although free blacks spurned attempts by the American Colonization Society to return them to Africa, during the 1820s, and again during the 1850s and early 1860s, as conditions for African Americans became ever more precarious, thousands of blacks left the U.S. for Haiti searching for civic freedom and economic opportunity in the world's first independent black republic.
Such prospects caught the attention of not only the African American leadership but of the black populace as well. In discussing the growing interest in Haitian emigration, Dixon provides ongoing discussions concerning black nationalism as an ideology.

While Haiti was a potent example of the possibility of black liberation, for black leaders such as James T. Holly, the island republic had not reached its true potential and was, therefore, an imperfect example of black nationalism.
By carrying Christian civilization to Haiti, these African Americans hoped to transform it into an exemplar of black nationhood.

There was, as Dixon argues, a clearly emerging ideology of black nationalism during the nineteenth century. However, the main principles of that ideology were marked by definite condescension toward non-American blacks that reflected many of the racial values of white America. Anticipating material comfort and political equality in their adopted nation, many emigrants instead encountered disease and suffering.

Table of Contents:
Preface
Introduction
Revolution and Emigration: Black America and Haiti, 1773-1830
Rejecting America:
Emigrationism Resurgent and the Beginnings of Black Nationalism, 1843-1854
Contemplating Haiti: Black Emigrationism, 1854-1860
James Redpath and the Haitian Bureau of Emigration
Transplanting Black America: Emigrationism in Practice, 1861-1863

CHRIS DIXON teaches American History at the University of Newcastle, Australia.
He has also held positions at the University of Sydney and Massey University, New Zealand. His other works include Perfecting the Family: Antislavery Marriages in Nineteenth-Century America (1997

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Port-au-Prince
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U.S. motorcycle missionaries attacked in Haiti
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video super
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Blood and terror cast their spell in the home of voodoo
22 Feb 2004
Haiti's anti-government militants - the Cannibal army - have reached the city of Gonaives. And as unrest ran through the streets of the capital, Port-au-Prince, Charles Laurence joined the rebel soldiers on their move south.

A teenager with a black ski mask over his face and the yellowed eyeballs of the marijuana smoker, Marc was looking the part. He was a young recruit of Haiti's rebel "Cannibal" army and he had been left in charge of the makeshift barricade of an old steel shipping container serving as the front line between the rebel-held city of Gonaives and Haiti's capital city 70 miles away.

He was in camouflage trousers and black T-shirt and in his left hand he clutched both his gun, a tiny .22mm pistol, and a cigarette, as he faced a jostling, shouting crowd intent on getting home.

"The people respect me because we will take Haiti back for them. If they try to stop the revolution, they know we will steal their lives in the night," he said. And then Marc - he gave no second name - leapt into the crowd, waving the pistol above his head.

The rebels who took Gonaives nearly two weeks ago - plunging long-troubled Haiti into its latest political crisis - had closed the city to the cars and trucks which might bring a government counter-attack. But now a Red Cross relief convoy carrying medical supplies and maize and at least 200 local Haitians was stranded on the rutted, collapsing road which still bears the grandly hopeful name of National Highway. The Haitians began to fight as they struggled to get donkeys, handcarts and motor scooters around the barricade.

Marc thrust his pistol into one man's face, and the crowd fell silent. Eyes bulged and breathing stopped in expectation of a crack-and-pop. But Marc backed away, the jam eased and the slow procession of carts and bundles resumed.

About 55 people are thought to have died in two weeks of upheaval since the unlikely coalition of the Cannibal militia and ex-army veterans attacked the police station in Gonaives and a string of other villages in the Haitian interior. In Hinche, the Monsters, a second rag-tag army spreading terror for the government, handed over their weapons to the rebels.

The battles were brief - the police in Belladere on the border with the Dominican Republic even gave away their furniture, cooking stove and keys when they heard that the mob was on its way, leaving nothing to loot, and disappeared into the night. But the rebels now control the northern half of Haiti with the town of Hinche at its centre, and have the city of Cap-Haitian, the second largest in the country, under siege and accessible only by sea.

The Cannibals began as a street gang recruited and armed to support President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Restored to power 10 years ago by American marines after a coup, President Aristide now stands accused of rigging parliamentary elections, terrorising the small but wealthy middle class, and seizing dictatorial powers. He is protected by 4,000 "policemen", and they are almost all in the capital, Port-au-Prince. Haiti has no conventional army - President Aristide disbanded it after returning to power, fearing another coup.

"Aristide must go now, or we will come to his house and kill him," said Marc. "It is he who betrayed us with broken promises, not us who betray him."

The scene at the barricade was a snapshot of the chaos that long ago engulfed Haiti. The forests are gone for logging and firewood, the soil is eroded to a ghostly white dust, and life expectancy has fallen from 53 to 49 since the turn of the millennium.

There was fear on the road to Gonaives. But mostly there was simply chaos. Estimates of the number of rebels there vary wildly, from as few as 50 armed men to 5,000, outnumbering President Aristide's police. Counts brought back by relief workers as well as the claims of the rebels themselves suggest that the true figure is about 200 men and boys.

Blood has been spilled, but as always in Haiti since the days of "Papa Doc" Duvalier and his Tontons Macoutes, the theatre of war has more to do with theatre than war. In the land long ago enchanted by its voodoo, that uniquely powerful blend of African animism and Roman Catholicism, it is the fear that counts for most.

Two miles beyond the barricade, Marc's former leader, Winter Etienne, and his two-dozen comrades in arms were learning that their Cannibal army no longer existed. There had already been attempts to change its name to the less-laughable Revolutionary Artiboinite Resistance Front - "We are educated men who have been to school, and the Cannibals were just for effect with the kids," explained Etienne in an interview through the window of his crumpled Jeep - but now they were being absorbed into a new army.

Guy Philippe - the self-proclaimed leader of anti-government forces, once the police chief of Cap-Haitian and an Aristide crony who fled the country in 2000 accused of multimillion dollar drug dealing and plotting a coup - strode up to a rickety podium in the town square at Gonaives and announced the change.

In front of a crowd of perhaps 500 men and women, and dapper in clean fatigues and polished boots, a gold chain around his neck, Philippe declared that the rebels were now one army, the National Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Haiti, and that he was its commander. Then he strode triumphantly back down the main street to the house by the old fishing harbour he had commandeered as his headquarters.

How many men did Philippe have? "We have everyone, all of Haiti, because we have come to free them and they are all with us," he replied, flashing white teeth in a brilliant smile.

Beside the dirt road to the harbour even the open sewers were collapsing, falling mud brick by mud brick into their own stagnant effluent. Here and there, women squatted over small tin barbecue braziers. Two recruits - one armed with an old gun and a bottle of rum, the other with a .38 revolver with empty chambers - pushed and shoved in a fight over whether one had been a Lavaliste, an Aristide supporter, and was a spy.

Two guards in full combat fatigues propped up the crumbling wall of Philippe's new headquarters. They were both ex-army, they explained, and had been out of work since President Aristide disbanded them. They had dug out their weapons from hiding places and made their way to Gonaives when they heard on the radio that Philippe had reached the town from his exile over the border in the Dominican Republic.

"In our minds we have trained for this moment for four years - Aristide took our jobs and left our families starving, and now we are going to chase him away and have our jobs back," explained Albert Jean Francois.

The revolutionary army at its headquarters so far boasts about 100 men, and perhaps another 50 Cannibals. Philippe, however, settled down on an old sofa with a bottle of Prestige lager, like a man certain of victory, and issued a deadline for President Aristide to quit office and accept a fair trial.

"He must go by February 29 - that is my 36th birthday - and if he is not gone by then I will launch an attack, a civil war, and I will kill him," he said.

We were sitting in a voodoo chapel by the harbour, where the skeletons of old wooden fishing boats baked in the afternoon sun, and domesticated jungle pigs, the cochon blanc treasured for feast days and celebrations, rooted around in the sand. Three larger-than-lifesize bronze statues of heroes of the slave rebellion, black men in elaborate Napoleonic garb, stood improbable guard outside.

"We will march on the Presidential Palace," said Philippe. "I will not accept a divide in the country where we control the north and Aristide the capital.

"We do not want blood. It is up to Aristide. There will be civil war. How many people have to die?"
He denied that he had assassinated opponents while a police commissioner, that he had been a drug-runner and had millions of dollars in off-shore bank accounts. "Look where we are living. Do we look like rich men?" he asked. He displayed his watch: "Not a Rolex. It cost $50! You can look in all the banks of the world, but you will not find any money of mine, because I am not rich."

Philippe crossed back into Haiti with Louis Jodel Chamberlain, who led the FRAPH government goon squads under General Raoul Cedras when he staged his coup against Aristide in 1992. Philippe is now in charge of Hinche - the inland town which is the rebels' second biggest prize - but is widely suspected of multiple human rights violations, torture and murder. Between them, they have taken charge of what seems to have been a spontaneous rebellion in the country towns, frustrated and hungry after years of empty promises from the president who had promised them salvation.

Although hopes for a compromise were slight, Aristide held meetings yesterday with French, Caribbean and Canadian diplomats led by the American special envoy, Roger Noriega. The deal they offered was for Aristide to stay on to the end of his term in 2006, but to share power with a "neutral" prime minister and an appointed government while an electoral commission organises new elections. He has refused similar plans before.

The spreading violence sent expats fleeing, with about 200, mostly American missionaries and Peace Corps workers queuing for seats on the daily flights to Miami.

There was fresh blood in the streets of Port-au-Prince for the first time in a week as students marched against Aristide and were met by a gang of his Lavalas family thugs armed with rocks, machetes and a shotgun. Fourteen were injured, and it became clear that journalists had been added to the list of targets. A Haitian radio journalist was shot in the back, and a Spanish television cameraman was wounded in the head by a blow from a machete.

In the bush, there were signs of emerging rivalries as rebel leaders settled into new turf. While Philippe declared himself head of the rebel army, Buter Metayer, the Cannibal leader who seized Hinche, dressed up in a stained white suit and sunglasses and told a visiting television crew that he was now the president of a new Haitian Republic.

Back at the bar at Oloffson's Grand Hotel, the old gingerbread inn made famous by Graham Greene's defining novel of the Papa Doc era of voodoo terror, The Comedians, the foreign aid workers and the dwindling colony of expats shook their heads and agreed that for all his boasts, Philippe would not be at the gates of Aristide's palace any time soon.

There is simply no evidence that he has the arms or the men to take on even an "army" of 4,000 policemen, armed with nothing heavier than a few machineguns.

"But something has to change," said Andre Apaid, an American-born Haitian who has come home to run a business. He has become a leading opposition figure, although he has no political party, simply because he has broken with old caste rivalries to demand help and fairness for Haiti's starving masses. "In spite of the attempts at division, people are more together than ever. We are all saying that the level of suffering of the people is unacceptable."

At the bar, the lights flickered as the city went dark. The dogs began their late-night howls. The barman mixed another rum punch.
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